The celebration of 50 years of independence in the PALOP countries is an opportunity to reflect on the trajectory followed since the end of colonial rule. Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, and São Tomé and Príncipe share a history marked by the struggle for liberation, the dream of self-determination, and the aspiration to build democratic societies.

However, reality has shown that the paths followed were tortuous, permeated by civil wars, institutional fragility, and democracies that did not always achieve the fullness promised. More than revisiting history, it is important to understand the current challenges. Today, Africa is experiencing a crisis in defining the concept of democracy.

In many countries, democracy exists only in limited forms, reserved for a small segment of the population. Political plurality and citizen participation continue to be conditioned by power structures that, rather than being open to society as a whole, function as systems controlled by elites who have appropriated the national project.

It is in this context that not only the quality of democracy on the continent is questioned, but also the role of the Portuguese language as a connecting link. The Lusophone world simultaneously faces the legacy of colonialism, the reality of internal fragility, and the pressure of globalization, where English is establishing itself as the dominant language to the detriment of Portuguese.

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The concept of democracy, so often invoked as a pillar of modern societies, today faces its own challenges in Africa and is forced to adapt to the reality of states emerging from colonialism.

According to Professor Pedro Borges Graça, the path of African countries since independence has been marked by "turbulence" and we are currently experiencing a moment of crisis in the definition of what democracy means, especially in Portuguese-speaking African countries, where democracy is apparently reserved for only a portion of the population.

According to the professor at ISCTE – Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE-IUL), the turmoil that existed in Guinea-Bissau, Angola and Mozambique is identical to that of other African countries, because, in truth, the nationalist movements were nationalist movements without a nation.

The academic uses expressions like "limited democracy" and "reserved democracy," emphasizing that, in practice, this form of political organization is not yet felt by all sectors of the population. In many cases, it remains restricted to political or economic elites, distancing the majority of citizens from central decision-making.

This diagnosis is not exclusive to the PALOP countries; it is part of a broader panorama, where the decolonization processes were not accompanied by the construction of true national unity.

The independence movements, created by foreign-trained elites, succeeded in expelling colonial powers, but failed to ensure the integration of profoundly diverse societies.

Revisiting the historical path of independence, the relationship with Portugal, and the success of institutions like the CPLP, it becomes clear that the freedom achieved opened doors but did not resolve internal dilemmas. The future, in turn, presents uncertainties, requiring structural changes and a reinterpretation of the role of democracy and the Portuguese language in the Lusophone world.

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One of the most critical points of Pedro Borges Graça's analysis is the idea that African nationalist movements were, to a large extent, movements without a nation. They arose from small groups of young university students and intellectuals who, inspired by anti-colonial ideologies, dreamed of the liberation of their homelands.

However, they lacked a true national project capable of integrating the various ethnicities, languages, and cultural realities present in each territory. In Guinea-Bissau, the PAIGC led the armed struggle against Portugal, mobilizing peasants and intellectuals in the name of independence.

However, after the victory, internal divisions, political persecution, and military instability emerged that still mark the country's life today. In Angola, the MPLA, UNITA, and FNLA, instead of uniting in a common project, plunged the country into a long civil war, where the struggle for power overshadowed the promise of national unity.

Mozambique experienced a similar process. FRELIMO led the fight for independence, but soon afterward faced a prolonged civil war with RENAMO, where the fragility of institutions and regional differences became evident.

The absence of a cohesive national identity often led to state projects being captured by party elites, leaving large swaths of the population excluded from real political participation. This phenomenon is not exclusive to Lusophone Africa. In the Francophone and Anglophone colonies, the process of nation-building also faced similar barriers.

However, the particularity of Portuguese-speaking countries lies in the fact that colonialism lasted longer and left profound scars on administrative structures, the economy, and society. The result was formal independence without the consolidation of a truly inclusive nation.

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Despite subsequent divisions and wars, the historical importance of the achievement of self-determination cannot be denied. The end of Portuguese colonialism meant, above all, that African peoples gained the freedom to govern themselves. It was a symbolic and political achievement that profoundly marked the collective consciousness of the generations that lived through the transition.

The years immediately following independence were filled with enthusiasm, with attempts at national reconstruction, literacy programs, and the creation of state institutions. In Cape Verde and São Tomé and Príncipe, the process was more peaceful and allowed for greater political stability, although economic fragility remained the greatest obstacle.

In Guinea-Bissau, Angola, and Mozambique, political and military turmoil compromised expected development, creating decades of delays. However, self-determination also brought unexpected challenges.

Lacking their own financial resources, many of these countries depended on external support—whether from the Soviet Union, the United States of America, Cuba, or, later, international institutions. This dependence weakened their newly acquired autonomy, but it did not nullify the essential achievement: the break with colonial relations and the opening of paths for the future.

Today, looking back on the 50th anniversary of independence, it's safe to say that, despite all the setbacks, self-determination remains the greatest legacy of the nationalist struggle. It opened the way for debates on democracy, pluralism, economic development, and regional integration, even if these debates don't always translate into concrete results.

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Another unavoidable topic is Portugal's role after independence. Unlike France or the United Kingdom, which maintained a strong neocolonial presence in their former territories, Portugal lacked the financial resources to play this role.

The country emerged from dictatorship in 1974 and faced a severe economic crisis, which limited its ability to maintain direct influence in its former colonies. Nevertheless, deep ties, particularly cultural and linguistic, persisted. The African diaspora in Portugal grew, trade continued, and political partnerships developed over the years.

But the absence of a true postcolonial project left room for ambiguity. At times, African countries felt the need for a more balanced relationship, where Portugal could have played a bridging role for development. Over time, these ties transformed into a cooperative relationship, especially after the creation of the CPLP in 1996.

However, tensions can still be identified today, as in recent cases of political disagreements and even the expulsion of journalists in some Portuguese-speaking countries. The relationship, marked by historical affection, continues to oscillate between declared friendship and concrete interests that do not always converge.

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The creation of the CPLP in 1996 was seen as an opportunity to consolidate cooperation between states that shared a common language and cultural heritage. However, almost three decades later, the CPLP is frequently criticized for being full of rhetoric and delivering few concrete results.

Pedro Borges Graça emphasized the significant lack of cohesion in the use of Portuguese as a working language in international institutions. English, increasingly dominant, is taking precedence over Portuguese, weakening the Lusophone world and creating fissures in the common identity.

This situation is particularly evident in scientific and academic production, where works in English are more valued, relegating Portuguese to secondary importance. Furthermore, the CPLP faces criticism for its inability to act effectively in political crises in member countries.

Situations of instability in Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, or Angola have rarely been accompanied by firm responses from the organization, which prefers diplomatic statements over concrete actions. Even so, the CPLP maintains its potential.

The Portuguese language is one of the most widely spoken in the world and represents a strategic asset. Promoting scientific production, promoting cultural and educational exchanges, and creating more robust economic support mechanisms could transform the community into a true alliance for development and cooperation.

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Projecting the next 50 years is a risky task, especially in a global context marked by successive crises and instability. Pedro Borges Graça emphasized that we are living in a period of increasing uncertainty, in which structural changes are occurring, but slowly and generationally.

The professor also argued that, in the future, institutions will have to be stronger than the individuals who lead them, reversing the current logic, where charisma or personal authority often replace institutional strength.

This challenge is particularly relevant for Portuguese-speaking Africa, where institutional fragility remains one of the greatest obstacles to development. Without independent courts, strong parliaments, and an active civil society, democracy will remain limited and reserved.

At the same time, African youth—increasingly educated and connected to the digital world—can play a decisive role in the renewal of political life. If this generation can transform frustration into civic participation, perhaps it will be possible to build more inclusive and democratic societies.